1. Radicalism and the English revolution
3. The Church of England in the eighteenth century
5. Rediscovering radicalism in the British Isles and Ireland in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth centuries
Cromohs Virtual Seminars
Sykes's Shadow: Thoughts on the Recent Historiography of the Eighteenth-Century Church of England[*]
Ingram, "Sykes's Shadow: Thoughts on
the Recent Historiography of the Eighteenth-Century Church of
England", in M. Caricchio, G. Tarantino, eds., Cromohs Virtual Seminars. Recent historiographical trends of the British Studies (17th-18th Centuries), 2006-2007: 1-3
1. Few working on the eighteenth-century
Church of England would disagree that we are fast approaching, if we have not
already reached, an historiographical crossroads. For the last century,
historians have been tilting at Victorian windmills, "peculiarly
preoccupied with vindicating [the eighteenth-century Church] from the
condemnation heaped upon it by Anglo-Catholics and Evangelicals in the
nineteenth century". This must, Mark Goldie recently gibed, surely be
"the longest shadow in modern
historiography". Some bristle at Goldie's chiding. "Part of the response would be
that, despite a large body of work which has now challenged Victorian
perceptions, a great many historians of the eighteenth century working outside
church history depend on, and rehearse, the Victorian church's judgements
about its Hanoverian predecessor", Jeremy Gregory
Both Goldie's criticisms and Gregory's indignation are
understandable. Surely historians of the eighteenth-century Church of England
need to reorient our historiographical priorities, yet just as surely social,
cultural, and political historians have largely the findings of the last
thirty-years of revisionist religious historiography into their work.
2. The work of eighteenth-century
religious historians has fallen on deaf ears among the wider profession because
religion has little place in the analytical frameworks most use to understand
the period. Nearly two decades ago, Jonathan Clark offered his revisionist
manifesto, English Society, 1688-1832, "as a breach of the
peace". The peace he disturbed was real, yet the period's historiography has
reverted to its previous calm. For since the 1960s modernity has been the
predominant organizing theme of eighteenth-century British
historiography. Alas, eighteenth-century Britons themselves were not preoccupied with modernity,
so it is worth considering why subsequent historians have been.
Shaw reckons this holds true for religious historians, as well. "It may
be...that the eighteenth century, which witnessed the birth of modernity, holds
a particular fascination for our own age, which is witnessing the
‘death' of modernity", she suggests, "and as we struggle
with questions of faith and reason at this particular time, we look to the
eighteenth century's own struggles with precisely those issues for
Today modernization theory informs much of the mainstream historiography of
Georgian Britain, both explicitly and
J.H. Plumb, for instance, drew straight lines of causation between profound
material change and the modern world's advent. Modernity, for him, was
synonymous with newness and progress and was wholly
self-evident. Kathleen Wilson, by contrast, rejects the notion of modernity as "one
moment or age", arguing instead that it is "a set of relations that
are constantly being made and unmade, contested and reconfigured, that
nonetheless produces among its contemporaneous witnesses the conviction of
historical difference". This conceptualization, she believes,
prevents us from reducing the eighteenth century "to the status of the
great primordial swamp of a more ‘modern' world", while
nonetheless allowing us to think of it "as an emphatically historical
condition that can be recovered". From this theoretical starting point,
she goes on to spotlight various moments in "‘modern' national
becoming" during the eighteenth
century. Alan Houston and Steve Pincus broaden their conceptualization of modernity
beyond Wilson's to encompass "socio-economic, political and
experiential elements", including rapid demographic change, urbanization,
democratization, political centralization, secularization, liberal economies,
toleration, and a host of other features distinctive of the modern
world. Scouring the later seventeenth century for these various markers, they conclude
that "English men and women were obsessed by modernity. Some celebrated
what was new and what was modern, others denounced it, but almost everyone
commented upon it. Awareness of change in politics, culture and society was
3. So, historians of the eighteenth-century
Church of England face two barriers to wider acceptance among secular
historians. First, their work does not fit into the conventional analytical
frameworks by which most historians understand the century. Second, they
continue to operate in historiographical grooves dug out nearly two centuries
ago. It seems to me that the best way to tackle the first problem is to address
the second. In short, church historians need to stop letting Norman Sykes set
their research agendas and, instead, construct their arguments in ways that
secular historians can understand and appreciate. One possible model might be
Brian Cowan's exceptional The Social Life of
Cowan's work on coffee in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Britain
operates on at least two levels. It is, in the first instance, the best history
available of the representation and consumption of coffee in late early modern
Britain. But Cowan's book is also about the cultural shift from early
modernity to modernity in Britain, using coffee as the optic through which to
view that moment. And what it does brilliantly is to use the history of coffee
to illumine the problems inherent in the prevailing conceptual models of that
transition, in particular blowing up Habermas's notion that the
coffeehouse, as the emblematic institution of the public sphere, was
modernity's harbinger. Had it merely engaged historians of coffee or
consumption, Cowan's book would have likely reached a far narrower
audience: because it grapples vigorously and directly with the most profound
questions about the age and its character, The Social Life of Coffee is a
work with which scholars wholly uninterested in caffeinated beverages must
nonetheless engage. Historians of the eighteenth-century Church of England must
adopt the same sort of strategies, it seems to me, if our work is to command a
wider audience and influence.
[*] I would like to thank Patrick Griffin and Bill Gibson for their helpful advice in the preparation of this essay.
 Mark Goldie, "Voluntary Anglicans", Historical Journal [HJ], 46, 4, 2003, pp. 977-90, at pp. 977, 988.
 Jeremy Gregory, Review of Doing the Duty of the Parish: Surveys of the Church in Hampshire, 1810, ed. Mark Smith (2005), Reviews in History (8 April 2006). <http://www.history.ac.uk/reviews/paper/gregory.html>
 For the optimist/pessimist split, see the contributions to this seminar by Professor Gibson and Dr. Sanna.
 J.C.D. Clark, English Society, 1688-1832: Ideology, Social structure and political practice during the ancien regime, Cambridge, 1985, p. x.
 Norma Landau, "Eighteenth-Century England: Tales Historians Tell" (Eighteenth-Century Studies, 22, 2 1988-89, pp. 208-18); H.T. Dickinson, "Introduction", in A Companion to Eighteenth-Century Britain, (ed. H.T. Dickinson, London, 2002, xv-xvii); and Paul Langford, "Introduction: time and space", (in The Eighteenth Century, 1688-1815, ed. Paul Langford, Oxford, 2002, pp. 1-32) are reliable introductions to the historiography of the period that come at the period from different directions.
 G.M. Trevelyan was the undisputed doyen of twentieth-century Whig historians. David Cannadine, G.M. Trevelyan: a life in history (1992) is the best treatment and contextualization of Trevelyan's work. Herbert Butterfield's The Whig Interpretation of History (1931) effectively assailed Whig constitutional history in general and Trevelyan in particular. For background, see C.T. McIntire, Herbert Butterfield: Historian as Dissenter, New Haven, 2004. Annabel Patterson, Nobody's Perfect: A New Whig Interpretation of History, (New Haven, 2002) however, aims "to reinstate a ‘whig interpretation of history', in defiance of the historiographical orthodoxy that declares such an interpretation archaic and procedurally mistaken". Jonathan Clark, "More imperfect than others", (Times Literary Supplement [TLS] (13 March 2003), pp. 3-4) offers a trenchant rejoinder.
 L.B. Namier, The Structure of Politics at the Accession of George III (London, 1929) and idem, England in the Age of the American Revolution (London, 1930) were his seminal works. Herbert Butterfield, George III and the Historians (New York, 1959) sparked a minor historiographical controversy, described ably in John Kenyon, The History Men: the Historical Profession in England since the Renaissance, Pittsburgh, PA, 1984, pp. 261-69. See also Richard Brent, "Butterfield's Tories: ‘High Politics' and the Writing of Modern British Political History", HJ, 30, 4, 1987, pp. 943-54.
 John Rule, "Thompson, Edward Palmer (1924-1993)", Oxford
Dictionary of National Biography, (Oxford, 2004 [ODNB]) contains a
useful bibliography of works by and about Thompson. David Hempton and John
Walsh, "E.P. Thompson and Methodism", (in God and Mammon:
Protestants, Money, and the Market, 1790-1860, ed. Mark A. Noll, Oxford,
2001, pp. 99-120) offers incisive criticism of Thompson's views on
 Dror Wahrman, The Making of the Modern Self: Identity and Culture in Eighteenth-Century England, New Haven, 2004, p. xviii. Cf. Tim Hitchcock, Down and Out in Eighteenth-Century London, Hambledon and London, 2004, pp. 238-40.
 Jane Shaw, "The long eighteenth century", in A Century of Theological and Religious Studies in Britain, ed. Ernest Nicholson, Oxford, 2005, p. 236.
 Eighteenth-century British historiography is not unique in this regard. Christopher S. Celenza, The Lost Italian Renaissance: Humanists, Historians, and Latin's Legacy (Baltimore, 2004) and Philip Benedict, Christ's Churches Purely Reformed: A Social History of Calvinism (New Haven, 2002, pp. xv-xxvi, 533-46), for instance, explore the ways modernization theory has suffused the historiography of Renaissance Italian humanism and Calvinism.
 J.H. Plumb, "The Acceptance of Modernity", in Neil McKendrick, John Brewer, and J.H. Plumb, The Birth of A Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England, Bloomington, IN, 1982, pp. 316-34. David Cannadine, "Historians of the ‘liberal hour': Lawrence Stone and J.H. Plumb re-visited", (Historical Research, 75, 189, 2002, pp. 216-254) and idem, "John Harold Plumb, 1911-2001", in Biographical Memoirs of Fellows, III ([Proceedings of the British Academy, Volume 124], Oxford, 2005, pp. 269-309) offer perceptive assessments of Plumb's historical writings and legacy.
 Kathleen Wilson, This Island Race: Englishness, Empire and Gender in the Eighteenth Century, London and New York, 2003, pp. 29-53, at pp. 30, 31, 53.
 Alan Houston and Steve Pincus, "Introduction. Modernity and later-seventeenth-century England", in A Nation Transformed: England after the Restoration, ed. Alan Houston and Steve Pincus, Cambridge, 2001, pp. 5-10, at pp. 5-6.
 Ibid., p. 1.
 John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: War, Money, and the English State, 1688-1783 (London, 1989); Patrick O'Brien and Philip A. Hunt, "The rise of a fiscal state in England, 1485-1815" (Historical Research, 66, 1993, pp. 129-76); Lawrence Stone (ed.), An Imperial State at War: Britain from 1689-1815 (London, 1994); and H.V. Bowen, War and British Society, 1688-1815 (Cambridge, 1998) are reliable introductions to the subject.
 See, for instance, H.T. Dickinson, The Politics of the People in Eighteenth-Century Britain, New York, 1994; Nicholas Rogers, Crowds, Culture, and Politics in Georgian Britain, Oxford, 1999; Robert Shoemaker, The London Mob: Violence and Disorder in Eighteenth-Century England, Hambledon, 2004; Mark Knights, Representation and Misrepresentation in later Stuart Britain: partisanship and political culture, Oxford, 2005.
 John Brewer, "The birth of consumerism", TLS (21 October 2004), p. 3. Maxine Berg, Luxury and Pleasure in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Oxford, 2005) is an accessible introduction to the voluminous literature on the subject.
 Lawrence E. Klein, "Politeness and the Interpretation of the British Eighteenth Century", (HJ, 45, 4, 2002, pp. 869-898) thoroughly and reliably surveys the scholarly literature on politeness.
 T.H. Breen, "An Empire of Goods: The Anglicization of Colonial America, 1690-1776", Journal of British Studies, 25, 4,1986, pp. 467-99 and idem, The Marketplace of Revolution: How Consumer Politics Shaped American Independence, Oxford, 2004. Cf. Gordon Wood, "The Shopper's Revolution", New York Review of Books, (10 June 2004), pp. 26-30.
 Peter Clark, British Clubs and Societies, 1580-1800: The Origins of an Associational World, Oxford, 2000, pp. viii-ix.
 Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, translated by Thomas Burger, Cambridge, MA, 1989), p. 27. See also, idem, The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity: Twelve Lectures, translated by Frederick Lawrence, Cambridge, MA, 1987, especially pp. 1-22, 336-67.
 Steve Pincus, ""Coffee Politicians Does Create": Coffeehouses and Restoration Political Culture", (Journal of Modern History, 67, 4, 1995, pp. 807-834) is the most forceful articulation of the idea that coffeehouses were emblematic of the emergence of "a public sphere in the Habermasian sense". Brian Cowan, "The Rise of the Coffeehouse Reconsidered", (HJ, 47, 1 2004, pp. 21-46) perceptively distinguishes between normative and practical public spheres and offers the most reliable guide to the extensive secondary literature on coffeehouses as they relate to the emergence of the public sphere. Tony Claydon, "The sermon, the ‘public sphere' and the political culture of late seventeenth-century England", (in The English sermon revised: Religion, literature and history, 1600-1750, eds. Lori Anne Ferrell and Peter McCullough, Manchester and New York, 2000, pp. 208-234) is an insightful corrective to the notion of a secularized public sphere, while Jason Peacey, Politicians and Pamphleteers: Propaganda During the English Civil Wars and Interregnum (Aldershot, 2004), "Epilogue" is among those to ask whether there was not an English public sphere well before the Restoration.
 Daniel Woolf, The Social Circulation of the Past: English Historical Culture, 1500-1730, Oxford, 2003, and Rosemary Sweet, Antiquaries: The Discovery of the Past in Eighteenth-Century Britain, Hambledon and London, 2004.
 Jack Lynch, The Age of Elizabeth in the Age of Johnson, Cambridge, 2003, pp. vii, 16.
 Peter Borsay, "The Culture of Improvement", in The Eighteenth Century, 1688-1815, ed. Langford, pp. 183-210, at p. 185.
 Jonathan Brody Kramnick, Making the English Canon: Print-Capitalism and the Cultural Past, 1700-1770, Cambridge, 1998, p. 1.
 Karen O'Brien, Narratives of Enlightenment: Cosmopolitan History from Voltaire to Gibbon, Cambridge, 1997; idem, "History and literature, 1660-1780", in The Cambridge History of English Literature, 1660-1780, ed. John Richetti, Cambridge, 2005, pp. 365-90.
 Wahrman, The Making of the Modern Self.
 See, for instance, Tim Hitchcock, English Sexualities, 1700-1800, New York, 1997; Robert B. Shoemaker, Gender in English Society, 1650-1850, London, 1998; Randolph Trumbach, Sex and the Gender Revolution. Volume 1: Heterosexuality and the Third Gender in Enlightenment London, Chicago, 1998. Karen Harvey, "The Century of Sex? Gender, Bodies, and Sexuality in the Long Eighteenth Century", (HJ, 45, 4 , 2002, pp. 899-916) assesses the secondary literature.
 Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707-1837, (New Haven, 1992); Tony Claydon and Ian McBride (eds.), Protestantism and National Identity: Britain and Ireland, c. 1650-c.1850, (Cambridge, 1998); and J.C.D. Clark, "Protestantism, Nationalism, and National Identity, 1660-1832", (HJ, 43, 1, 2000, pp. 249-76) represent a range of scholarly reads on British national identity during the eighteenth century. Kathleen Wilson, Sense of the People: Politics, Culture, and Imperialism in England, 1715-1785 (Cambridge, 1995); David Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge, 2000); and Eliga Gould, The Persistence of Empire: British Political Culture in the Age of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, NC, 2000) are useful introductions to the scholarship of eighteenth-century British imperial identities.
 See, for instance, Steve Pincus, "‘To protect English liberties': The English nationalist revolution of 1688-1689", in Protestantism and National Identity, pp. 75-104; idem, "Neither Machiavellian Moment nor Possessive Individualism: Commercial Society and the Defenders of the English Commonwealth", American Historical Review, 103, 3, 1998, pp. 705-36; idem, "The Making of a Great Power? Universal Monarchy, Political Economy, and the Transformation of English Political Culture", The European Legacy 5, 4, 2000, pp. 531-45; and idem, "From holy cause to economic interest: the study of population and the invention of the state", in A Nation Transformed, pp. 272-98.
 B.W. Young, Religion and Enlightenment in Eighteenth-Century England: Theological Debate from Locke to Burke, Oxford, 1998, p. 5; S.J. Barnett, The Enlightenment and Religion: The myths of modernity, Manchester and New York, 2003, p. 1.
 Roy Porter, The Creation of the Modern World: The Untold Story of the British Enlightenment, New York, 2000; idem, "Matrix of Modernity?", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 12, 2002, pp. 245-59. Cf. Justin Champion, Republican Learning: John Toland and the Crisis of Christian Culture, 1696-1722, Manchester and New York, 2003.
 Jeremy Morris, "The Strange Death of Christian Britain: Another Look at the Secularization Debate", HJ, 46, 4, 2003, p. 965.
 See, for instance, C. John Sommerville, The Secularization of Early Modern England: From Religious Culture to Religious Faith, Oxford, 1992; Blair Worden, "The question of secularization", in A Nation Transformed, pp. 20-40, at p. 40; Porter, The Creation of the Modern World, especially pp. 96-129, 205-57. Interestingly, recent scholars of modern British history have argued that secularization was a phenomenon of the nineteenth or twentieth centuries: Jeffrey Cox, The English Churches in a Secular Society: Lambeth, 1870-1930 (Oxford, 1992); Mark Smith, Religion in Industrial Society, Oldham and Saddleworth, 1740-1865 (Oxford, 1994); S.J.D. Green, Religion in the Age of Decline: Organization and Experience in Industrial Yorkshire, 1870-1920 (Cambridge, 1996); Sarah Williams, Religious Belief and Popular Culture in Southwark, c. 1880-1939 (Oxford, 1999); Callum Brown, The Death of Christian Britain: Understanding Secularization, 1800-2000 (London, 2000); and Morris, "The Strange Death of Christian Britain" (pp. 963-976) are representative of those who argue for a later dating of secularization.
 J.C.D. Clark, "England's Ancien Regime as a Confessional State", (Albion, 21,3, 1989, pp. 450-74) and idem, "Providence, Predestination and Progress: or, did the Enlightenment Fail?", (Albion, 35, 4, 2003, pp. 559-89) are the most succinct and accessible statements of his argument against those who would argue for the modernity of Georgian Britain.
 Clark, English Society, 1660-1832, p. 14.
 Clark, English Society, 1688-1832, p. 409.
 Among the perceptive rejoinders to Clark's work are Joanna Innes, "Jonathan Clark, Social history and England's ‘Ancien Regime'", (Past and Present, 115, 1987, pp. 165-200) and Frank O'Gorman, "Eighteenth-Century England as an Ancien Regime" (in Hanoverian Britain and Empire: Essays in memory of Philip Lawson, eds. Stephen Taylor, Richard Connors, and Clyve Jones, Woodbridge, 1998, pp. 23-36) as well as the contributors to special issues of Albion, 21, 3, 1989 and Parliamentary History 7, 2, 1988.
 Jeremy Black, "Confessional state or elect nation? Religion and identity in eighteenth-century Britain", in Protestantism and National Identity: Britain and Ireland, c.1650-c.1850, pp. 53-74; Jeremy Gregory, Restoration, Reformation and Reform, 1660-1828: Archbishops of Canterbury and their Diocese, Oxford, 2000, pp. 3-4.
 Joanna Innes, "Not so Strange? New Views of Eighteenth-Century England", History Workshop Journal, 1991, p. 183. Cf. W.A. Speck, "Will the Real 18th Century Stand up?", HJ, 34, 1 1991, pp. 203-06; Claydon, "The sermon, the "public sphere" and the political culture of late seventeenth-century England", pp. 226-28.
 Stephen Platten (ed.), Anglicanism and the Western Tradition, Norwich, 2003. Essayists include Diarmaid MacCulloch, Eamon Duffy, Pauline Croft, Peter Lake, Judith Maltby, Peter Nockles, William Jacob, and Gerard Noel.
 B.W. Young, "Religious History and the Eighteenth-Century Historian" (HJ, 43, 3 2000, pp. 849-68) examines the secularized historiography of eighteenth-century Britain.
 Jonathan Scott, "England's Troubles, 1603-1702", in The Stuart Court and Europe, ed. R. Malcolm Smuts, Cambridge, 1996, pp. 20-38.
 B.W. Young, "‘Knock-Kneed Giants': Victorian Representations of Eighteenth Century Thought", (in Revival and Religion since 1700: Essays for John Walsh, eds. Jane Garnet and Colin Matthew, London, 1993, pp. 79-84) illuminates the various "prejudices and blindspots" among those nineteenth-century critics of the Georgian Church. Maurice Cowling, Religion and Public Doctrine in Modern England (Cambridge, 1985, II, pp. 3-100) comes at the problem from a slightly different direction. William Gibson, The Achievement of the Anglican Church, 1689-1800: The Confessional State in Eighteenth-Century England (Lewiston, 1996, pp. 5-31) and idem, The Church of England, 1688-1832: Unity and Accord (London, 2001, pp. 4-27) highlight the resilience of the Victorian criticism of the Georgian Church.
 Boyd Hilton, "Apologia pro Vitis Veterorum Hominum", (Journal of Ecclesiastical History [JEH], 50, 1 1999, p. 119) suggests that "the rehabilitation of the Georgian Church...is now almost a commonplace". The variety of interpretations in Jeremy Gregory and Jeffrey S. Chamberlain (eds.), The National Church in Local Perspective: the Church of England and the Regions, 1660-1800 (Woodbridge, 2003) seriously vitiates Hilton's claim, as does the near complete failure of textbook treatments of eighteenth-century Britain to incorporate Anglican revisionism: for the latter, see Robert G. Ingram, "Nation, Empire, and Church: Thomas Secker, Anglican Identity, and Public Life in Georgian Britain, 1700-1770", University of Virginia Ph.D. thesis, 2002, p. 5 n. 14.
 Norman Sykes, Church and State in England in the XVIII Century (Cambridge, 1934) is generally considered the first modern attempt to revise the bleak Victorian portrait of the Georgian Church. Despite its age and neglect of ideology and theology, Church and State remains the starting point for historians of eighteenth-century Anglicanism. For a number of decades, though, Sykes remained something of a lone voice in the wilderness arguing against the Victorian view of the eighteenth-century established Church, not least because he did not build up around him a "school" of historians. The 1970s and 1980s did witness a renewed interest in the Church, among Oxbridge graduate students in particular. A number of those at the vanguard of revisionism took the special subject at Oxford on "Church, State, and Society, 1829-1854" and were advised in their doctoral work by G.V. Bennett, John Walsh, or Geoffrey Rowell. What unites revisionists is not their conclusions –an unthinking pessimism has not been supplanted by an equally reductive optimism; rather, revisionists tend to reject anachronism, measuring the Church and its leaders against the pastoral standards of the day. I am grateful to Jeremy Gregory, Jeremy Morris, and John Walsh for conversations on this subject.
 Goldie, "Voluntary Anglicans", p. 988.
 Brian Cowan, The Social Life of Coffee: The Emergence of the British Coffeehouse, New Haven, 2005.
 Robert G. Ingram, Religion, Reform and Modernity in Britain, 1700-1770, Woodbridge, forthcoming.
 A peculiar set of circumstances that temporarily put Secker's primary archive at Lambeth Palace off-limits to researchers helps account for the relative neglect of this important figure in Georgian Anglicanism. In the 1970s, Lambeth Palace commissioned R.W. Greaves to write a biography of Secker akin to Norman Sykes's magisterial William Wake, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1657-1737, 2 vols., Cambridge, 1957. Under the terms of that commission, the enormous Secker archive housed at Lambeth Palace Library was made unavailable to the general public until Greaves finished his study. Unfortunately, Greaves died before being able to complete his study; John McCauley, though not himself a specialist in early modern British history, did help bring Greaves's edition of Secker's Autobiography (LPL MS 2598) to print: Stephen Taylor, review of Autobiography, (JEH, 41, 1 1990, pp. 173-74) highlights the problems with the published edition. I thank Melanie Barber for this information.
 Stephen Taylor, "The moderate men in charge", in Not Angels, but
Anglicans: A History of Christianity in the British Isles, ed. Henry
Chadwick, Norwich, 2000, p. 181. Jeremy Gregory, "Secker, Thomas
(1693-1768)", ODNB and Aldred Rowden, Primates of the Four
Georges (London, 1916, pp. 248-309) are the best brief surveys of
Secker's life and career. Leslie W. Barnard, Thomas Secker: An
Eighteenth Century Primate (Lewes, 1998) is the only full-scale biography,
but Barnard's almost wholesale reliance on Secker's published works,
to the exclusion of his enormous archive of unpublished correspondence and
papers, vitiates the book: see my review in Anglican and Episcopal
History, 69, 3, 2000, pp. 376-78.
 See, for instance, Eamon Duffy, "Visiting rites", TLS (28 September 2001), p. 26.